Monday, September 10, 2012

Heaven Knows I'm Miserable NOW (Just Like Heaven)

I'M GOING TO MAKE THIS QUICK. THE FIRST FIVE PAGES HAVE TO DO WITH EMPATHY AND THE STORY OF THE GOOD SAMARITAN (RELATE THIS TO WHAT I'VE WRITTEN ON ANOTHER POST ABOUT PEOPLE AVOIDING BUMS). BENEATH THIS ARE PARAGRAPHS CONCERNING RELIGION (WHY CERTAIN ATHEISTS ARE THE WAY THEY ARE, WHY EMOTION DICTATES OUR REASON AND BELIEFS, AND HOW HUMANS EVOLVED TO BELIEVE IN RELIGION BUT NOT SCIENCE).BUT BEFORE YOU GET TO ALL OF THAT READ THESE PAGES FROM DAVID EAGLEMAN'S THE BRAIN REGARDING THE HUMAN TENDENCY TO DEHUMANIZE THOSE WHO WE PERCEIVE AS BEING UNLIKE US AND BELONGING TO AN OUT-GROUP!


 



 We Reserve Empathy For Those In Our In-Group! Those Who We Perceive As Being Unlike Us And From A Social Or Cultural Or Racial Group Unlike Ours Don't Deserve Our Empathy And Compassion. At Least, That's How We Unconsciously Reason And Justify Our Behavior Towards Outsiders.






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On the court takes care of itself. Off the court is where character is built. No other program in the nation doing this at a high level. Sponsor feeding the homeless and advocate sponsorship for 10 deserving HS programs. Good luck keeping up✨✌🏼

HE MAY BE MAKING HIS PLAYERS FEED THE HOMELESS, BUT IS HE MAKING HIS PLAYERS CHANGE THEIR MINDSET AND THE WAY THEY THINK ABOUT THE HOMELESS. IS HE MAKING HIS PLAYERS LOOK AT THE HOMELESS IN A MORE COMPASSIONATE AND HUMANISTIC LIGHT? IS HE MAKING HIS PLAYERS LOOK AT THE HOMELESS AS FELLOW HUMANS WHO DESERVE DIGNITY AND RESPECT? I DON'T THINK SO. SO ALL OF THIS "WORK" THAT HE AND HIS PLAYER DO FOR THE HOMELESS IS BENEFITING THEM (HE AND HIS PLAYERS) MORE THAN THE HOMELESS! IT'S BENEFITING HE AND HIS PLAYERS BY BOOSTING THEIR IMAGE, WHICH MAKES THEM MORE SEXUALLY AND SOCIALLY APPEALING! WHAT A FUCKIN' CONMAN THAT TREE TOP EDAMAMI GUY IS!



WHY DO PEOPLE AVOID BUMS? WHY DO MOST PEOPLE TRY TO AVOID INTERACTING WITH BUMS OR EVEN LOOKING AT THEM? BECAUSE HUMANS ARE INNATELY EMPATHETIC. WE CAN LOOK AT SOMEONE'S FACIAL EXPRESSIONS OR BODY LANGUAGE OR EMOTIONAL STATE OR THE ACTIVITIES THAT THEY'RE ENGAGING IN (THEY'RE SITUATION) AND RELATE TO THEM. IF WHAT THEY'RE EXPERIENCING AND EMOTIONALLY DISPLAYING IS POSITIVE (AND WE LIKE THEM) WE TYPICALLY FEEL GOOD FOR THEM AND MAYBE EVEN WANT TO JOIN THEM IN THEIR HAPPINESS. BUT IF WHAT THEY'RE EXPERIENCING IS NEGATIVE OR THE EMOTION THEY'RE DISPLAYING IS NEGATIVE WE DON'T WANT TO HAVE ANYTHING TO DO WITH THEM. WE'LL TRY TO AVOID THEM AND NOT EVEN LOOK IN THEIR DIRECTION. NOW WHY DO WE DO THIS? WHY WILL WE TRY TO AVOID THE PERSON EXPERIENCING A NEGATIVE SITUATION OR EXHIBITING A  NEGATIVE EMOTION? BECAUSE WE'RE EMPATHETIC AND SINCE WE'RE EMPATHETIC WE CAN IDENTIFY WITH A NEGATIVE SITUATION (HOMELESSNESS, FOR INSTANCE) OR A NEGATIVE EMOTIONAL STATE. AND SINCE WE EVOLVED TO AVOID THINGS OF A NEGATIVE NATURE WE TURN A BLIND EYE AND DEAF EAR TO NEGATIVE MATTERS, SITUATIONS, OR EMOTIONS (WHAT THE UNFORTUNATE PERSON IS EXPERIENCING). WHY DO WE DO THIS? BECAUSE WE DON'T WANT TO EXPERIENCE THAT PERSON'S DIFFICULTIES AND DISTRESS. WE DON'T WANT TO BURDEN OURSELVES WITH THEIR TROUBLES AND STRUGGLE. WE DON'T WANT THE PERFECT LITTLE WORLD WE'VE CREATED FOR OURSELVES TO BE DISTURBED BY THE THOUGHT OF WHAT THE UNFORTUNATE PERSON IS GOING THROUGH. WE LITERALLY DON'T WANT TO SEE OR HEAR WHAT IS HAPPENING OR HAS HAPPENED TO THE UNFORTUNATE PERSON BECAUSE DOING SO WILL BRING US DOWN, BRING US TO THEIR LEVEL, AND DISTRESS US, DISTURB US, DAMAGE OUR PSYCHE, AND POSSIBLY EVEN DESTROY OUR LIVES. SO WE AVOID THE BUM. (PETROS PAPADAKIS, I'M NOT REALLY REFERRING TO NEGATIVE PEOPLE IN THE ABOVE PARAGRAPH. I'M REFERRING TO PEOPLE WHO ARE GOING THROUGH  SOME ADVERSITY. FOR INSTANCE, THINK OF THE PEOPLE WHO BECOME GRAVELY ILL OR EXPERIENCE SOME FINANCIAL HARDSHIP (LOSE EVERYTHING THEY HAD AND FALL IN SOCIAL STATUS, FOR INSTANCE). THEIR FRIENDS AND FAMILY TYPICALLY DISASSOCIATE FROM THEM. THEY STOP TALKING TO THEM, STOP VISITING THEM, AND TRY TO AVOID THEM AT ALL COSTS. WHY? BECAUSE THEY LITERALLY DON'T WANT TO SEE THEIR FRIEND OR FAMILY MEMBER IN THAT STATE. WHY? BECAUSE SEEING THEIR FRIEND OR FAMILY MEMBER IN THAT STATE WILL HURT THEM PSYCHOLOGICALLY. IT'LL DISTRESS THEM, DISTURB THEM, DESTROY THE POSITIVE IMAGE THAT THEY HAD OF THEM, AND POSSIBLY REMIND THEM OF WHAT COULD HAPPEN TO THEM OR WHAT AWAITS THEM. AND THEY DON'T WANT TO HAVE ANYTHING TO DO WITH THAT.)




One quiet Sunday morning, I stroll down the driveway of my home in Stone Mountain, Georgia, to pick up the newspaper. As I arrive at the bottom - we live on a hill - a Cadillac drives up the street and stops right before me. A big man in a suit steps out, sticking out his hand. A firm handshake follows, during which I hear him proclaim in a booming, almost happy voice, "I'm looking for lost souls!" Apart from perhaps being overly trusting, I am rather slow and had no idea what he was talking about. I turned around to look behind me, thinking that perhaps he had lost his dog, then corrected myself and mumbled something like, "I'm not very religious."

This was of course a lie, because I am not religious at all. The man, a pastor, was taken aback, probably more by my accent than by my answer. He must have realized that converting a European to his brand of religion was going to be a challenge, so he walked back to his car, but not without handing me a business card in case I'd change my mind. A day that had begun so promisingly now left me feeling like I might go straight to hell.

I was raised Catholic. Not just a little bit Catholic, like my wife, Catherine. When she was young, many Catholics in France already barely went to church, except for the big three: baptism, marriage, and funeral. And only the middle one was by choice. By contrast, in the southern Netherlands - known as "below the rivers" - Catholicism was important during my youth. It defined us, setting us apart from the above-the-rivers Protestants. Every Sunday morning, we went to church in our best clothes, we received catechism at school, we sang, prayed, and confessed, and a vicar or bishop was present at every official occasion to dispense holy water (which we children happily imitated at home with a toilet brush). We were Catholic through and through.

But I am not anymore. In my interactions with religious and non-religious people alike, I now draw a sharp line, based not on what exactly they believe but on their level of dogmatism. I consider dogmatism a far greater threat than religion per se. I am particularly curious why anyone would drop religion while retaining the blinkers sometimes associated with it. Why are the "neo-atheists" of today so obsessed with God's nonexistence that they go on media rampages, wear T-shirts proclaiming their absence of belief, or call for a militant atheism? What does atheism have to offer that's worth fighting for? As one philosopher put it, being a militant atheist is like "sleeping furiously."

THE MONAHANS

Losing My Religion

I was too restless as a boy to sit through an entire mass. It was akin to aversion training. I looked at it like a puppet show with a totally predictable story line. The only aspect I really liked was the music. I still love masses, passions, requiems, and cantatas and don't really understand why Johann Sebastian Bach ever wrote his secular cantatas, which are so obviously inferior. But other than developing an appreciation of the majestic church music of Bach, Mozart, Haydn, and others, for which I remain eternally grateful, I never felt any attraction to religion and never talked to God or felt a special relationship. After I left home for the university, at the age of seventeen, I quickly lost any remnant of religiosity. No more church for me. It was hardly a conscious decision, certainly not one I recall agonizing over. I was surrounded by other ex-Catholics, but we rarely addressed religious topics except to make fun of popes, priests, processions, and the like. It was only when I moved to a northern city that I noticed the tortuous relationship some people develop with religion.

Much of postwar Dutch literature is written by ex-Protestants bitter about their severe upbringing. "Whatever is not commanded is forbidden" was the rule of the Reformed Church. Its insistence on frugality, black dress code, continuous fight against temptations of the flesh, frequent scripture readings at the family table, and its punitive God - all contributed greatly to Dutch literature. I have tried to read these books, but have never gotten very far: too depressing! The church community kept a close eye on everyone and was quick to accuse. I have heard shocking real-life accounts of weddings at which the bride and groom left in tears after a sermon about the punishment awaiting sinners. Even at funerals, fire and brimstone might be directed at the deceased in his grave so that his widow and everybody else knew exactly where he'd be going. Uplifting stuff.

In contrast, if the local priest visited our home, he would count on a cigar and a glass of jenever (a sort of gin) - everyone knew that the clergy enjoyed the good life. Religion did come with restrictions, especially reproductive ones (contraception being wrong), but hell was mentioned far less than heaven. Southerners pride themselves on their bon vivant attitude to life, claiming that there's nothing wrong with a bit of enjoyment. From the northern perspective, we must have looked positively immoral, with beer, sex, dancing, and good food being part of life. This explains a story I heard once from an Indian Hindu who married a Dutch Calvinist woman from the north. Although the woman's parents didn't have the faintest idea what a Hindu was, they were relieved that their new son-in-law was at least not Catholic. For them, belief in multiple deities was secondary to the heretic and sinful ways of their next-door religion.

The southern attitude is recognizable in Pieter Brueghel's and Bosch's paintings, some of which bring to mind Carnival, the beginning of Lent. Carnival is big in Den Bosch, when the city is known as Oeteldonk, and also celebrated in nearby Catholic Germany, in cities like Cologne and Aachen, where Bosch's family came from (his father's name, "van Aken," referred to the latter city). Bosch must have been well versed in the zany Carnival atmosphere, and its suspension of class distinctions behind anonymous masks. Just like Mardi Gras in New Orleans, Carnival is deep down a giant party of role reversal and social freedom. The Garden of Earthly Delights achieves the same by depicting everyone in his or her birthday suit. I am convinced that Bosch intended this as a sign of liberty rather than the debauchery some have read into it.

Possibly, the religion one leaves behind carries over into the sort of atheism one embraces. If religion has little grip on one's life, apostasy is no big deal and there will be few lingering effects. Hence the general apathy of my generation of ex-Catholics, which grew up with criticism of the Vatican by our parents' generation in a culture that diluted religious dogma with an appreciation of life's pleasures. Culture matters, because Catholics who grew up in papist enclaves above the river tell me that their upbringing was as strict as that of the Reformed households around them. Religion and culture interact to such a degree that a Catholic from France is not really the same as one from the southern Netherlands, who in turn is not the same as one from Mexico. Crawling on bleeding knees up the steps of the cathedral to ask the Virgin of Guadalupe for forgiveness is not something any of us would consider. I have also heard American Catholics emphasize guilt in ways that I absolutely can't relate to. It is therefore as much for cultural as religious reasons that southern ex-Catholics look back with so much less bitterness at their religious background than northern ex-Protestants.

Egbert Ribberinkk and Dick Houtman, two Dutch sociologists, who classify themselves, respectively, as "too much of a believer to be an atheist" and "too much of a nonbeliever to be an atheist," distinguish two kinds of atheists. Those in one group are uninterested in exploring their outlook and even less in defending it. These atheists think that both faith and its absence are private matters. They respect everyone's choice, and feel no need to bother others with theirs. Those in the other group are vehemently opposed to religion and resent its privileges in society. These atheists don't think that disbelief should be kept locked up in the closet. They speak of "coming out," a terminology borrowed from the gay movement, as if their nonreligiousness was a forbidden secret that they now want to share with the world. The difference between the two kinds boils down to the privacy of their outlook.

I like this analysis better than the usual approach to secularization, which just counts how many people believe and how many don't. It may one day help to test my thesis that activist atheism reflects trauma. The stricter one's religious background, the greater the need to go against it and to replace old securities with new ones.   

Religion looms as large as an elephant in the United States, to the point that being nonreligious is about the biggest handicap a politician running for office can have, bigger than being gay, unmarried, thrice married, or black. This is upsetting, of course, and explains why atheists have become so vocal in demanding their place at the table. They prod the elephant to see whether they can get it to make some room. But the elephant also defines them, because what would be the point of atheism in the absence of religion?

As if eager to provide comic relief from this mismatched battle, American television occasionally summarizes it in its own you-can't-make-this-stuff-up way. The O'Reilly Factor on Fox News invited David Silverman, president of the American Atheist Group, to discuss billboards proclaiming religion a "scam." Throughout the interview, Silverman kept up a congenial face, complaining that there was absolutely no reason to be troubled, since all that his billboards do is tell the truth: "Everybody knows religion is a scam!" Bill O'Reilly, a Catholic, expressed his disagreement and clarified why religion is not a scam "Tide goes in, tide goes out. Never a miscommunication. You can't explain that." This was the first time I had heard the tides being used as proof of God. It looked like a comedy sketch with one smiling actor telling believers that they are too stupid to see that religion is a fraud, but that it would be silly for them to take offense, while the other proposes the rise and fall of the oceans as evidence for a supernatural power, as if gravity and planetary rotation can't handle the job.

All I get out of such exchanges is the confirmation that believers will say anything to defend their faith and that some atheists have turned evangelical. Nothing new about the first, but atheists' zeal keeps surprising me. Why "sleep furiously" unless there are inner demons to be kept at bay? In the same way that firefighters are sometimes stealth arsonists and homophobes closet homosexuals, do some atheists secretly long for the certitude of religion? Take Christopher Hitchens, the late British author of God Is Not Great. Hitchens was outraged by the dogmatism of religion, yet he himself moved from Marxism (he was a Trotskyist) to Greek Orthodox Christianity, then to American Neo-Conservatism, followed by an "antitheist" stance that blamed all of the world's troubles on religion. Hitchens thus swung from the left to the right, from anti-Vietnam War to cheerleader of the Iraq War, and from pro to contra God. He ended up favoring Dick Cheney over Mother Teresa.

Some people crave dogma, yet have trouble deciding on its contents. They become serial dogmatists. Hitchens added, "There are days when I miss my old convictions as if they were an amputated limb," thus implying that he had entered a new life stage marked by doubt and reflection. Yet, all he seemed to have done was sprout a fresh dogmatic limb.

Dogmatists have one advantage: they are poor listeners. This ensures sparkling conversations when different kinds of them get together the way male birds gather at "leks" to display splendid plumage for visiting females. It almost makes one believe in the "argumentative theory," according to which human reasoning didn't evolve for the sake of truth, but rather to shine in discussion. Universities everywhere set up crowd-pleasing debates between religious and antireligious intellectual "giants."

The Bonobo and the Atheist: In Search of Humanism Among the Primates. de Waal, p. 83-89.


My first experience with proselytizing was almost too comical to be true. At the time, I had a room on the fourth floor of a university dormitory, in Groningen. On morning, I heard a knock on my door, and two young American Mormons in jackets and ties stood in front of me. Curious to hear about their faith, I invited them in. They proceeded to set up an easel and a board on which they pasted felt figures and text labels to explain the story of an ordinarily named American, who had seen the Lord in a pillar of light. Later, he was led by an angel to holy texts on golden plates.

All of this happened just over a century ago. I listened to their incredible tale and was just about to ask how this Joseph Smith convinced others of his special encounter, when we were rudely interrupted. I often left a window open to let Tjan, my pet jackdaw, fly in and out. He was free outside, but would come in before dark to be fed and locked up for the night. While the two young men patiently recounted God's appearance in a cave, Tjan sailed into the room looking for a landing spot. He went for the highest point, which was the head of one of the Mormons standing in front of his board. A large black bird landing on him was the last thing he'd expected. I saw the panic on his face and quickly tried to assure him that this was just Tjan, a bird with a name, who wouldn't hurt anyone. I have never seen two people pack up so quickly: they were gone in no time, out the door, running for the elevator. While they collected their things, I heard them talk of the "devil."

My having spoiled Tjan as a baby with the fattest earthworms I could dig up made him extra large for his species. He was such a curious and intelligent character, who'd fly above me on strolls through the park. But of course he was black, noisy, and crow-like, reminding the Mormons of a creature that might steal their souls. As a result, they never got to answer my question, nor did they have a chance to explain how Smith translated the golden plates engraved with "reformed Egyptian" by gazing at "peep stones" placed in the bottom of his hat. Smith was smart enough to empathize with his skeptics: "If I had not experienced what I have, I couldn't have believed it myself."

So, why did people believe him? Smith met with a great deal of derision and hostility (he was killed by a lynch mob at the age of thirty-eight), but the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints now counts 14 million followers. It is obvious that believers are not looking for evidence, because the only item that might have been helpful, the set of golden plates, had to be returned to the angel. People simply believe because the y want to. This applies to all religions. Faith is driven by attraction to certain persons, stories, rituals, and values. It fulfills emotional needs, such as the need for security and authority and the desire to belong. Theology is secondary and evidence tertiary. I agree that what the faithful are asked to believe can be rather preposterous, but atheists surely won't succeed in talking people out of their faith by mocking the veracity of their holy books or by comparing their God with the Flying Spaghetti Monster. The specific contents of beliefs are hardly at issue if the overarching goal is a sense of social and moral communion. To borrow from a tithe by the novelist Amy Tan, to criticize faith is like trying to save fish from drowning. There's no point in catching believers out of the lake to tell them what is best for them while putting them out on the bank, where they flop around until they expire. They were in the lake for a reason.

Accepting that faith is driven by values and desires makes at once for a great contrast with science, but also exposes common ground, since science is less fact-driven than is widely assumed. Don't get me wrong, science produces great results. It has no competition when it comes to understanding physical reality, but science is also often, like religion, based on what we want to believe. Scientists are human, and humans are driven by what psychologists call "confirmation biases" (we love evidence that supports our view) and "disconfirmation biases" (we disparage evidence that undermines our view). That scientists systematically resist new discoveries was already the topic of a 1961 article in the illustrious pages of Science, which added the mischievous subheading "This source of resistance has yet to be given the scrutiny accorded religious and ideological sources."

...

My own story concerns the discovery, in the mid-1970s, that chimpanzees make up after fights by kissing and embracing their opponents. Reconciliation behavior has now been demonstrated in many primates, but when one of my students needed to defend a study of this behavior before a committee of psychologists, she got an earful. We had naively assumed that these psychologists, who knew only rats, would have no opinion about primates, yet they were adamant that reconciliation in animals was out of the question. It didn't fit their thinking, which excluded emotions, social relationships, and everything else that makes animals interesting. I tried to change their minds by inviting them to the zoo where I worked so that they could see for themselves what chimpanzees do after fights. To this proposal, however, they replied bafflingly, "What good would it do to see the actual animals? It will be easier for us to stay objective without this influence."

It is said that the ancient king  of Sardis complained that "men's ears are less credulous than their eyes." Only here it was reversed: these scientists feared that their eyes might tell them something they didn't want to hear. Like the rest of humanity, scientists apply fight-or-flight responses to data: they go for the familiar and avoid the unfamiliar. I have to think of this each time I hear neo-atheists claim that their God denial makes them smarter than believers and rational like scientists. They like to present themselves as emotion free, "just the facts, ma'am" kind of thinkers. In a column in USA Today, Jerry Coyne, a fellow biologist and self-declared "gnu-atheist" (yes, "gnu" as in "wildebeest," which is Dutch for "wild beast"), called faith and science utterly incompatible "for precisely the same reason that irrationality and rationality are." He then proceeded to draw little aureoles around the heads of scientists:
Science operates by using evidence and reason. Doubt is prized, authority rejected. No finding is deemed "true" - a notion that's always provisional - unless it's repeated and verified by others. We scientists are always asking ourselves, "How can I find out whether I'm wrong?"    
Oh, how I wish I had colleagues like Coyne! Having spent all my life among academics, I can tell you that hearing how wrong they are is about as high on their priority list as finding a cockroach in their coffee. The typical scientist has made an interesting discovery early on in his or her career, followed by a lifetime of making sure that everyone else admires his or her contribution and that no one questions it. There is no poorer company than an aging scientist who has failed to achieve these objectives. Academics have petty jealousies, cling to their views long after they have become obsolete, and are upset every time something new comes along that they failed to anticipate. Original ideas invite ridicule, or are rejected as ill informed. As neuroscience pioneer Michael GazzaniGga complained in a recent interview,
There is a profound inhibitory effect on new ideas by people and ideas that "got there first," telling their story over and over while new observations struggle up from the bottom. The old line that human knowledge advances one funeral at a time seems to be so true!
This is more like the scientists I know. Authority outweighs evidence, at least for as long as the authority lives. There is no lack of historical examples, such as resistance to the wave theory of light, to Pasteur's discovery discovery of fermentation, to continental drift, and to Rontgen's announcement of X-rays, which was initially declared a hoax. Resistance to change is also visible when science continues to cling to unsupported paradigms, such as Rorschach inkblot test, or keeps touting the selfishness of organisms despite contrary evidence. Scientists praise the "plausibility" and "beauty" of theories, making value judgements on the basis of how they think things work, or ought to work. Science is in fact so value laden that Albert Einstein denied that all we do is observe and measure, saying that what we think exists is a produce almost as much of theory as of observation. When theories change, observations follow suit.

If faith makes people buy an entire package of myths and values without asking too many questions, scientists are only slightly better. We also buy into a certain outlook without critically weighing each and every underlying assumption and often turn a deaf ear to evidence that doesn't fit. We may even, like the psychologists on my student's committee, deliberately turn down a chance to get enlightened. But even if scientists are hardly more rational than believers, and even if the entire notion of unsentimental rationality is based on a giant misunderstanding (we cannot even think without emotions), there is one major difference between science and religion. This difference resides not in the individual practitioners but in their culture. Science is a collective enterprise with rules of engagement that allow the whole to make progress even if its parts drag their feet.

What science does best is to incite competition among ideas. Science instigates a sort of natural selection, so that only the most viable ideas survive and reproduce...In comparison, religion is static. It does change with a changing society, but rarely as a result of evidence. This sets up a potential conflict with science...

The Bonobo and the Atheist: In Search of Humanism Among the Primates. de Waal, p. 95-100.
  

If religion is so widespread, the next question is why it evolved. Biologists always wonder about survival value. What sort of advantage does religion offer? This question has been addressed by comparing early Christians with the Roman population around them. When two plagues swept through the empire, each one killing one-third of the population, the Christians fared better than the Romans. The Christians brought food and water to those too sick to care for themselves, attending to their needs in the name of Christ, whereas the Romans fled from their dearest, abandoning them even before they had expired in an attempt to avert contagion. Even though Christians risked contamination, a study of tombstone inscriptions revealed that they enjoyed a higher life expectancy.

...

Perhaps the question can be answered on a smaller scale, as in a study of the longevity of nineteenth-century communities in the United States. Communities based on a secular ideology, such as collectivism, disintegrated much faster than those based on religious principles. For every year that communities lasted, religious ones were four times as likely to survive than their secular counterparts. Sharing a religion dramatically raises trust. We know the huge bonding effect of coordinated practices, such as praying together and carrying out the same rituals. This relates to the primate principle that acting together improves relationships, ranging from monkeys' preferring human experimenters who imitate them to varsity rowers' gaining physical resistance (such as a higher pain threshold) from exercising as a team rather than on their own. Joint action may stimulate endorphin release, as has also been suggested for other bonding mechanisms, such as joint laughter. These positive effects of synchronization help explain the cohesiveness of religions and their effect on social stability.

Durkheim dubbed the benefits derived from belonging to a religion its "secular utility." He was convinced that something as pervasive and ubiquitous as religion must serve a purpose - not a higher purpose, but a social one. The biologist David Sloan Wilson, who analyzed the data on early Christians, agrees in that he sees religion as an adaptation that permits human groups to function harmoniously: "Religions exist primarily for people to achieve together what they cannot achieve alone."

Religious community building comes naturally to us. In fact, given how commonly religion is pitted against science, it is good to remember the tremendous advantage religion enjoys. Science is an artificial, contrived achievement, whereas religion comes as easily to us as walking or breathing. This has been pointed out by many authors, from the American primatologist Barbara King, who in Evolving God relates the drive to religion to our desire to belong, to the French anthropologist Pascal Boyer, who views religion as an intuitive capacity:
Scientific research and theorizing has appeared only in very few human societies...The results of scientific research may be well-known, but the whole intellectual style that is required to achieve them is really difficult to acquire. By contrast, religious representations have appeared in all human groups that we know, they are easily acquired, they are maintained effortlessly and they seem accessible to all members of a group, regardless of intelligence or training. As Robert McCauley points out,...religious representations are highly natural to human beings, while science is quite clearly unnatural. That is, the former goes with the grain of our evolved intuitions, while the latter requires that we suspend, or even contradict most of our common ways of thinking.
Contrast the ease with which children adopt religion with the long and laborious road young people travel to achieve a Ph.D. around the age of thirty. McCauley, a philosopher colleague of mine at Emory, told me that if he had to choose which of the two would survive if society collapsed, he'd put his money on religion rather than science: "Religion overwhelmingly depends upon what I'm calling natural cognition, thinking that is automatic, that is not conscious for the most part." McCauley contrasts this with science, which is "conscious, usually in the form of language. It's slow, it's deliberative."

Imagine, we put a few dozen children on an island without adults. What would happen? William Golding thought he knew, giving us savagery and murder in Lord of the Flies. This may have been a great extrapolation from life at English boarding schools, but there is no sherd of evidence that this is what children left to their own devices will do. When four-to five-year-old children are left alone in a room, they tend to negotiate with each other by means of moral terminology such as "That's not fair!" or "Why don't you give her some of your toys?" No one knows what children would do if left alone for a much longer time, but they would definitely form a dominance hierarchy. Young animals, whether goslings or puppies, quickly battle it out to establish a pecking order, and children do the same. I remember the pale faces of psychology students steeped in academic egalitarianism, upset at seeing young children beat up on each other on the first day of preschool. We are a hierarchical primate, and, however much we try to camouflage it, it comes out early in life.

The children on the island might also enter the symbolic domain. They'd probably develop language in the same way that Nicaraguan deaf children, in the 1980s, began communicating in a simple sign language that outsiders couldn't follow. Many other aspects would develop as well, such as culture. The children would transmit habits and knowledge and show conformism in the tools they made or how they greeted each other. They'd also have property rights and tensions over ownership. Finally, they would undoubtedly develop religion. We don't know what kind, but they would believe in supernatural forces, perhaps personalized ones, like gods, and develop rituals to appease them and bend them to their will.

The one thing the children would never develop is science. By all accounts, science is only a few thousand years old, hence it appeared extremely late in human history. It is a true accomplishment, a critically important one, yet it would be naive to put it on the same level as religion. The war between science and religion is, to put it in biblical terms, one between David and Goliath. Religion has always been with us and is unlikely to ever go away, since it is part of our social skin. Science is rather like a coat that we have recently bought. We always risk losing it or throwing it away. The antiscience forces in society require constant vigilance, given how fragile science is compared with religion. To contrast the two as if they are on equal footing and in competition is a curious misrepresentation explainable only by reducing science and religion to sources of knowledge about the same phenomena. Only then could anyone argue that if one of the two is right, the other must be wrong.

When it comes down to knowledge of the physical world, the choice is obvious. I can't fathom why in this day and age, with everyone walking around with laptops and traveling through the air, we still need to defend science. Consider how far biomedical science has come, and how much longer we live as a result. Isn't it obvious that science is a superior way of finding out how things work, where humans come from, or how the universe arose? I am among scientists every day, and there is nothing more addictive than the thrill of discovery. True, plenty of mysteries are left, but science offers the only realistic hope of solving them. Those who present religion as a source of this kind of knowledge, and stick to age-old stories despite the avalanche of new information, deserve all the scorn they invite. But I also consider this particular collision between science and religion a mere sideshow. Religion is much more than belief. The question is not so much whether religion is true or false, but how it shapes our lives, and what might possibly take its place if we were to get rid of it the way an Aztec priest rips the beating heart out of a virgin. What could fill the gaping hole and take over the removed organ's functions?

The Bonobo and the Atheist: In Search of Humanism Among the Primates. de Waal, p. 211-216.

"NO RELIGION IS THE NEW RELIGION...SHE SAID SHE DON'T BELIEVE IN G0D!" - Peter Dagampat Ph.D.
FICTION! THAT'S WHAT THE BIBLE CONSISTS OF!

Tuesday, August 21, 2012

I'll Stop The Whirl And Melt With You!

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QZw3lxyuhEU
The Same Goes For Religiousity. You Might Hear A Female Say "Wow, He's A Really Religious Guy. His Parents Raised Him Well." But, In Actuality, It Wasn't Entirely His Environment That Shaped His Religious Commitment And Religious Faithfulness. Much Of It Had To Do With His Genes. His Genes Predisposed Him To Be Highly Religious And These Genes Then Interacted With His Environment To Create The Religious Person He Came To Be.

  1. Join CARTA live! Ajit Varki discusses the "Mind Over Reality Transition": The Evolution of Human Mortality Denial
The worst thing about death isn't that the party is over; it’s that we must leave and the party goes on without us.

  1. I don't think that the terrible thing about dying is the expiration of the self. The terrible thing is that WE must leave - and the party goes on without us. Social comparison until the end.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kyagrj-OHAM
0:45 "There's No Reason To Feel Sorry When It Comes To Death! Cuz In G0D There Is No Death! Jesus Said Any Man Who Believes My Word...Shall NOT See Death!" - Sam


Imagine, for example, a prehistoric hunter making his way home through unfamiliar woods. His mind wanders as he travels, and he is only absently aware of ambient noises of the forest, but when a twig snaps in the underbrush, his mind is instantly, involuntarily focused. This intense mental alertness results from the sudden activation of the amygdala, the ancient limbic watchdog that monitors all incoming sensory information for signs of danger and opportunity. When the amygdala detects the unaccounted-for auditory impulses caused by the sudden noise, it rivets the hunter's mind upon it. Already, the autonomic system has triggered an arousal response, bracing the body for action. In the same split second the hunter first hears the suspicious sound, the cognitive imperative is driving the causal operator to discover what it might mean.

Discovering a cause is the first priority of the causal operator, but as the hunter scans the underbrush, no cause is apparent. Uncertainty at such an urgent moment is intolerable to the causal operator, so it does what it is designed to do in the absence of a specific cause: it proposes one. The proposal arises out of activity in the hippocampus, the limbic structure where past experiences are stored as memories. Rapidly, the mind scours these memory banks, sorting and cross-referencing information as it searches for any pertinent content - images, sounds, or larger chunks of experience - that might shed light on the problem at hand.

The computational task is staggering, but in an instant, all the brain's memory files have been consulted, all irrelevant data has been ignored, and the casual operator presents its best hunch by conjuring in the hunter's mind the idea of a leopard lurking in the trees. For the hunter, who had seen the tracks of a big cat earlier that day, and who had once been chased by a leopard in woods very similar to these, there was no need for further deliberation; the unseen predator was utterly real, the danger was immediate, and his only option was to run.

Later, in a calmer moment, the hunter might reconsider his reaction. After all, he had no way of knowing for sure that the noise was made by a leopard - it's just as likely that the twig was stepped on by a plump wild pig, or by a harmless foraging deer. But the hunter didn't need to know the leopard was real, it was enough that he believed it. The causal operator is designed to promote survival, not necessarily to find the truth, and if there really had been a leopard in the bushes, it was the hunter's ability to think about the potential for danger, as opposed to an antelope that can only react, that would save his life.

But why would he believe so surely in something he didn't know absolutely to be true? We think there was more to the hunter's reaction than simple common sense. We believe he accepted the realness of the unseen leopard because neurological forces allowed him no other choice.

The hunter's process of believing that began as amygdalar function focused the mind's cognitive operations upon the mystery of the noise in the bushes. The causal operator, or, more specifically, the brain structures that support the causal operator, responded by proposing the presence of a leopard. Simultaneously, the binary operator interprets the problem as a conflict of opposites. In a specific sense, this conflict is between the concepts of leopard and not-leopard, but on a deeper and more general level it is a fundamental conflict of life versus death.

In either case, these urgent conflicts must be effectively resolved. The analytical, verbally inclined left brain immediately attacked the problem by making certain logical connections: The hunter realized he was in leopard country, and remembered having seen leopard tracks a few miles back. It was logical to believe that a leopard might have been lurking in the trees.

At the same time, the hunter knew that the tracks he'd seen were at least several days old. He also knew that leopards do not customarily hunt at that time of the day. This led to the logical possibility that something other than a leopard - a deer or a pig, for example - was the source of the startling sound. The hunter now faced a logical dilemma: Fleeing might have cost him an easy kill, but hesitation might have cost him his life.

While the verbal, analytical left brain struggled with this problem, the intuitive, holistic right brain was taking a different approach. Thinking with images and emotions, rather than language and logic, the right brain analyzed how the situation felt. The right brain visualized the easy kill, and the reaction was highly positive. But those positive feelings were heavily outweighed by the vivid visualization of being eaten by a leopard. As the right brain dwelt upon this grisly possibility, a memory sprang to mind of a time when the hunter was chased by a man-eating cat in the woods very similar to these. The right brain remembered the terror and instantly made its decision: There's a leopard in the trees.

This emotional apprehension immediately colored the decision making process of the left brain. The logical idea of the leopard was now charged with emotional substance, and as the intuitive faculties of the right brain came into unified agreement with the logical powers of the left, the ideas in his head gained depth and authority. He not only thought there was a leopard in the bushes, he felt it in his bones.

Now the opposites of leopard versus not-leopard, and of life versus death, had been powerfully and neurologically resolved. A cause had been determined. Ideas had become emotionally charged convictions; a logical possibility had become a visceral belief.

In a sense, the hunter had created a simplistic myth - the myth of the leopard in the bushes. It began, as all myths do, with urgent, unanswerable questions. In this case: What is that noise, and what does it mean? The importance of finding answers compelled the mind, through the drive of the cognitive imperative, to bring the brain's analytical powers to bear. The causal operator found a plausible explanation for the noise. The binary operator framed the problem in terms of opposites. And finally, the holistic agreement of the left and right sides of the brain led to a whole brain unification that turned logical ideas into emotionally felt beliefs. These beliefs resolved all uncertainties and gave the hunter a coherent scenario in which he could react effectively.

Like all effective myths, the story of the leopard in the trees may or may not have been literally true. Yet this simple scenario explains the unexplainable in a way that allowed the hunter to take effective and possibly life-saving action. His belief enhanced his chances of survival, and that is precisely the goal of the cognitive drive.

This process is automatic: uncertainty causes anxiety, and anxiety must be resolved. Sometimes resolutions are obvious and causes are easy to spot. When they are not, the cognitive imperative compels us to find plausible resolutions in the form of a story, like the story of the leopard in the trees. These stories are especially important when the mind confronts our existential fears. We suffer. We die. We feel small and vulnerable in a a dangerous and confusing world. There is no simple way to resolve these enormous uncertainties. In such situations, the explanatory stories that the mind creates take the shape of religious myth.

It would be impossible to trace the endless web of cultural and psychological factors that led to the genesis of a single specific myth, and it would be foolhardy to suggest that anyone could explain for certain how any specific religious myth developed. But if we frame our discussion carefully, we can certainly examine the biological origins of the urge to make myth. We can even speculate upon the neurological origins of a single myth concept. Consider, for example, the following scenario: 
In a close-knit prehistoric clan, one of the tribe has died. His body lies on a bearskin. Others approach and touch him gently. They sense immediately that the man who used to be exists no more. What was once a warm and vital person has suddenly become a cold and lifeless thing.
The clan's chieftain, an introspective man, slumps beside the campfire and broods upon the lifeless form that was once his comrade. What is it that is missing? he wonders. How was it lost and where has it gone? As he watches the crackling fire his stomach tightens with sadness and anxiety. His mind's need for cause will not rest until it finds resolution, but the longer he dwells upon the unnerving puzzle of life and death, the deeper he sinks into existential dread.
"When You Die You Go Into A Comfortable Hole And We Blow You A Kiss G00D Bye!" - KoKo The Gorilla Mastering The Abstract Concept Of Non-Existence!

In neurobiological terms, the grieving chief is in the grip of the same arousal responses that seized the startled hunter. It began in the chieftain's brain when the amygdala noticed frustration in the thought processes of the logical left hemisphere - the effect of the chief's intense, prolonged brooding. Interpreting this frustration as a sign of distress, the amygdala triggered a limbic fear response, and sent off neural signals that activated the arousal system. Now, as the chief continues to ruminate upon his grief and fear, that arousal response intensifies. His pulse quickens, his breath grows shallow and rapid, and his forehead becomes beaded in sweat.
The chief stares vacantly at the fire, turning his troubles around and around in his head. Soon the fire has burned down to embers, and as the last flames sputter and die, an intuition strikes him: The fire was once bright and alive, but now it's gone, and soon there will be nothing but lifeless grey ashes. As the last wisps of smoke rise to the heavens he turns to the body of his fallen friend. It occurs to him that his comrade's life and spirit have vanished completely as the flames. Before he can consciously phrase the thought, he is struck by the image of the very essence of his friend escaping to heavens, like smoke, the rising spirit of the fire.   
This conviction begins as nothing more than an idea, just one more possibility offered up by the intellectual pondering of the brain's left side. At the same time, the brain's right side is proposing holistic, intuitive, nonverbal solutions to the problem. As the intellectual idea of the ascension of the spirits enters the chief's consciousness, it becomes "matched" with one of these emotional right-brain solutions. Suddenly, the agreement of both sides of the brain causes a neurobiological resonance that sends positive neural discharges racing through the limbic system, to stimulate pleasure centers in the hyopthalamus. Because the hypothalamus regulates the autonomic nervous system, these strong pleasure impulses trigger a response from the quiescent system, which the chief experiences as a powerful surge of calmness and peace.

All this happens in the wink of an eye, too fast for the arousal response that triggered the chief's anxiety to subside. For a remarkable moment, both the quiescent and arousal systems are simultaneously active, immersing the chief in a blend of fear and rapture, a state of intensely pleasurable agitation that some neurologists call the Eureka Response, which the chief experiences as a rush of ecstasy and awe.

In this transforming flash of insight, the chief is suddenly freed from his grief and despair; in a deeper sense, he feels that he has been freed from the bonds of death.

The insight strikes him with the force of revelation. The experience feels vividly, palpably real. In that moment, the opposites of life and death are no longer locked in conflict; they have been mythically resolved. Now he sees clearly the absolute truth of things - that the spirits of the dead live on.

He feels that he has discovered a primal truth. It is more than an idea, it is a belief he has experienced in the deepest reaches of his mind. Like the story of the leopard in the bushes, the chief's intuition about the ultimate destiny of the soul may or may not be true. What matters is the notion that it is based on something deeper than imagination or wishful thinking. We believe that all lasting myths gain their power through neurologically endorsed flashes of insight, like the one that struck the chief. These insights might take many forms, and can be triggered by many different ideas. For example, the chieftain might have seen fog rising up a mountain slope in the moonlight, and concluded that like the eerie mist, the spirits of the dead go off to dwell in the holy hills. Any idea might trigger a myth if it can truly unify logic and intuition, and lead to a state of left-brain/right-brain agreement. In this state of whole-brain harmony, neurological uncertainties are powerfully alleviated as existential opposites are reconciled and the problem of cause is resolved. To the anxious mind, the resonant whole-brain agreement feels like a glimpse of ultimate truth. The mind seems to live this truth, not merely comprehend it, and it is this quality of visceral experience that turns ideas into myths.

That personal myth becomes a communal myth when it is shared with others who find meaning and power in the resolutions it provides. There is no guarantee that this will happen. The chief's clan mates, for example, will not accept his insights unless, as they listen to him share his story, they experience within themselves the same neurological ring of truth that seized the chief during his moment of penetrating vision. Their reactions, in hearing the story, will not necessarily be as intense as the chief's, but if they feel even a small degree of neurologically experienced emotion, the chief's passionate testimony will gain credence. They will believe him not because they think he is right, but because they feel it. The chief may become considered a seer, and a system of mythology may rise from his beliefs.   

Why God Won't Go Away: Brain Science and The Biology of Belief. Newberg, D'Aquili, Rause, p. 67-73.


The Premise Of Ajit's Book Seems To Be Based On The Premise Of This Book
Which Is Based On The Hypothesis That Belief In G0D And The Afterlife Occurred Once Homo Sapiens Evolved The Capacity For Denial (Denying Reality)! Read Both Books To See If What I'm Saying Is Accurate! 

"HE IS I AND I AM HIM, SLIM WIT THE TILTED BRIM!" - NIGGA DOGGY DOGG!

At the heart of all the mystic's descriptions, however, is the compelling conviction that they have risen above material existence, and have spiritually united with the absolute. The primordial longing for this absolute union, and the transcendent experiences to which it might lead, are the common threads that run through the mystical traditions of East and West, of ancient centuries, and of the present. And while the mystics of different times and traditions have used many techniques to attain this lofty union, from the pious self-denial of medieval Christian saints to the ritual sexuality of some tantric Buddhists, the mystical states they describe sound very much the same. For example, here is the Sufi master Hallaj Husain ibn Mansur, a resident of medieval Iraq, describing the intimate intermingling of the mystic and his Lord:
I am He Whom I love, and He whom I love is I:
We are two spirits dwelling in one body.
If thou seest me, thou seest Him,
And if thou seest Him, thou seest us both.
The medieval Catholic sage Meister Eckhart, writing from the cooler climes of Germany, had similar words to say on the very same subject:
How then am I to love the Godhead? Thou shalt not love him as he is: not as a God, not as a spirit, not as a Person, not as an image, but as sheer, pure One. And into this One we are to sink from nothing to nothing, so help us God.
The theme of unity echoes in the Taoist wisdom of Lao-tzu...
Ordinary men hate solitude 
But the Master makes use of it, 
embracing his aloneness, realizing
he is one with the whole universe  
...Christian mystics relied upon intense contemplative prayer, fasting, silence, and various forms of mortification to free their minds from mundane matters and focus more intently upon God. These disciplines emerged independently, but all are based on a common insight; The first step in attaining mystical union is to quiet the conscious mind and free the spirit from the limiting passions and delusions of the ego.

"The separate self dissolves in the sea of pure consciousness, infinite, and immortal," says Hindu scripture. "Separateness arises from identifying the Self with the body, which is made up of the elements; when this physical identification dissolves, there can be no more separate self. This is what I want to tell you, beloved."

 ...In her book A History of God, religion scholar Karen Armstrong explains that the goal of Greek mysticism was to gain "a freedom from distraction and multiplicity, and the loss of ego - an experience that is clearly akin to that produced by contemplatives in nontheistic religions like Buddhism. By systematically weaning their minds away from their 'passions' - such as pride, greed, sadness, or anger which tied them to the ego - hesychiasts would transcend themselves and become deified like Jesus on Mt. Tabo, transfigured by the divine 'energies.'"

Armstrong finds similar ideas among the Islamic mystics, called Sufis, who developed the concept of 'fana, or annihilation, which was brought about by a combination of fasting, sleepless vigils, chanting, and contemplation, all intended to induce altered states. These behaviors often resulted in actions that seemed bizarre and uncontrolled, which, according to Armstrong, earned those mystics who practiced such techniques the nickname of the "drunken" Sufis. The first drunken Sufi was Abu Yizad Bistami who lived in the ninth century, and whose introspective disciplines, Armstrong says, carried him beyond any personalized conceptions of God.

"As he approached the core of his identity," she writes, "he felt that nothing stood between God and himself; indeed, everything that he understood as 'self' seemed to have melted away:  
I gazed upon [Allah] with the eye of truth and said to Him: "Who is this?" He said, "This is neither I nor other than I. There is no God but I." Then he changed me out of my identity into His Selfhood...Then I communed with him with the tongue of his Face saying: "How fares it with me with Thee?" He said, "I am through Thee, there is no god but Thou."
Bistami had united with God, Armstrong says, had become a part of God, beyond his self. In Armstrong's words, "This was no external deity 'out there,' aline to mankind: God was discovered to be mysteriously identified with the inmost self. The systematic destruction of the ego led to a sense of absorption in a larger ineffable reality."

"THERE IS NO OTHER THAN ME. A PROPHET, A MAC MESSIAH! TURN WATER TO HENNESSEY!" - MAC ALLAH

Ramachandran, the Temporal Lobes and God - Part 1

 TELL IT, MY INDIAN BROTHERS, TELL IT.  

 In their follow-up study Johnstone and colleagues found that, as before, patients with damage to their right parietal lobe (as measured by their ability to judge the orientation of lines and ability to identify the fingers on their left hand) were more spiritual. In particular, they tended to score higher on measures of forgiveness (so they were less ‘self-oriented’) as well on measures of spiritual transcendence (tending to agree with statements like “I feel the presence of a higher power”).

In contrast, patients with damage to their frontal lobe (measured using a kind of ‘connect the letters and numbers’ puzzle) tended to be less likely to engage in private religious practices and go to church. There was also some evidence that they tended to be less spiritual.

Johnstone et al suspect that the link between the right parietal lobe and spirituality comes about because damage to this part of the brain makes it harder to locate yourself in 3D space. So there is a tendency to feel that you are somehow merged or blurred in with your environment – hence the sensations of spiritual transcendence.

They don’t speculate on the link between better frontal lobe function and religious activities per se (focussing instead on the spirituality link) but I find this result intriguing. The frontal lobe is involved in classic ‘figuring stuff out’ actions, as well as social functioning. So it seems likely that good frontal lobe function could be important to this aspect of religiosity.

Read more: http://www.patheos.com/blogs/epiphenom/2012/07/different-parts-of-the-brain-linked-to.html#ixzz3NtuXCFVe
Ramachandran, the Temporal Lobes and God - Part 2

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hxDSOh66oWk
9:23 The BRAIN Has Evolved Neural Wiring That CreateS The Sensations, Thoughts, And Beliefs That, For Centuries, WERE Attributed To GOD's Presence Or GOD's Connection With You. So When You're Deep In Prayer Or Singing A Hymn In Church With The Rest Of The Congregation And You Feel That Closeness To GOD (That Transcendence) The Neurons In The GOD Region Of Your Brain Are Just Firing! (Those Parts Of Your Brain That Are Responsible For Belief In God, The Feeling Of The Presence Of God, Religious Out Of Body Experiences, Etc. Are Triggered By Neurochemicals, Electrical Signals, Etc. In The Brain Resulting In The Heightened Mental State Of Arousal That You Experience! In Other Words, The Concept Of God And The Sense That God Is With You Or You're With God, Are All A Product Of The Genetic And Biological Functioning Of The Brain!)


During brain scans of those involved in various types of meditation and prayer, Newberg noticed increased activity in the limbic system, which regulates emotion. He also noted decreased activity in the parietal lobe, the part of the brain responsible for orienting oneself in space and time.
“When this happens, you lose your sense of self,” he says. “You have a notion of a great interconnectedness of things. It could be a sense where the self dissolves into nothingness, or dissolves into God or the universe.”
Such “mystical”, self-blurring experiences are central to almost all religions – from the unio mystica experienced by Carmelite nuns during prayer, when they claim their soul has mingled with the godhead, to Buddhists striving for unity with the universe through focusing on sacred objects. But if Newberg and his colleagues are correct, such experiences are not proof of being touched by a supreme being, but mere blips in brain chemistry.
“It seems that the brain is built in such a way that allows us as human beings to have transcendent experiences extremely easily, furthering our belief in a greater power,” Newberg says. This would explain why some type of religion exists in every culture, arguably making spirituality one of the defining characteristics of our species.
https://www.amazon.com/Illusion-Gods-Presence-Biological-Spiritual/dp/1633880745
http://www.patheos.com/blogs/daylightatheism/2016/01/book-review-the-illusion-of-gods-presence/

"It's An Illusion" -Cellskini
They found that people of different religious persuasions and beliefs, as well as atheists, all tended to use the same electrical circuits in the brain to solve a perceived moral conundrum – and the same circuits were used when religiously-inclined people dealt with issues related to God.

The study found that several areas of the brain are involved in religious belief, one within the frontal lobes of the cortex – which are unique to humans – and another in the more evolutionary-ancient regions deeper inside the brain, which humans share with apes and other primates, Professor Grafman said.

"There is nothing unique about religious belief in these brain structures. Religion doesn't have a 'God spot' as such, instead it's embedded in a whole range of other belief systems in the brain that we use everyday," Professor Grafman said.

The search for the God spot has in the past led scientists to many different regions of the brain. An early contender was the brain's temporal lobe, a large section of the brain that sits over each ear, because temporal-lobe epileptics suffering seizures in these regions frequently report having intense religious experiences. One of the principal exponents of this idea was Vilayanur Ramachandran, from the University of California, San Diego, who asked several of his patients with temporal-lobe epilepsy to listen to a mixture of religious, sexual and neutral words while measuring their levels of arousal and emotional reactions. Religious words elicited an unusually high response in these patients.

This work was followed by a study where scientists tried to stimulate the temporal lobes with a rotating magnetic field produced by a "God helmet". Michael Persinger, from Laurentian University in Ontario, found that he could artificially create the experience of religious feelings – the helmet's wearer reports being in the presence of a spirit or having a profound feeling of cosmic bliss.

RELIGIOUS REID!

The universality of religious behavior suggests that, as with language, it is mediated by specialized structures in the brain. Language is known to be supported by neural circuitry in certain regions of the brain because, if these regions are damaged even minutely, specific defects appear in a patient's linguistic abilities. No such dedicated regions have yet been identified with certainty for the neural circuitry that may underlie religious behavior. Excessive religiosity is a well-know symptom of temporal lobe epilepsy and could reflect the activation of neural circuits associated with religious behavior. But there is no agreement on this point, and the search for such circuitry in people who don't suffer from epilepsy is "suggestive but not conclusive," according to the neurologist Steven Schachter. It could be that religious behavior itself does not require a dedicated brain region large enough to be detectable by present methods.

The fact that religious behavior is universal strongly suggests that it is an adaptation, meaning a trait shaped by natural selection. If it is an adaptation, it must have a genetic basis, such as a suite of genes that are activated during development and wire up the neural circuits needed to induce the behavior. Identification of such genes would be the best possible proof that religious behavior has an evolutionary basis. The lack of any progress in this direction so far is not particularly surprising: the genes that underlie complex diseases have started to be identified only recently and funds to support such expensive efforts are not available for studying nonmedical complex traits.

An indirect approach to the genetic basis of religious behavior is through psychological studies of adopted children and of twins. Such studies pick up traits that vary in the population, such as height, and estimate how much of the variation is due to environmental factors and how much to genetics. But the studies cannot pick up the presence of genes that do not vary; genes for learning language, for example, are apparently so essential that there is almost no variation in the population, since everyone can learn language. If religious behavior is equally necessary for survival, then the genes that underlie it will be the same in everyone, and no variation will be detectable

Religious behavior itself is hard to quantify, but studies of religiosity - the intensity with which the capacity for religious behavior is implemented - have shown that it is moderately heritable, meaning that genes contributed somewhat, along with environmental factors, to the extent of the trait's variation in the population. "Religious attitudes and practices are moderately influenced by genetic factors," a large recent study concludes. Another survey finds that "the heritability of religiousness increases from adolescence to adulthood," presumably because the influence of environmental factors decreases in adulthood (when you leave home you go to church if you want to, not because your parents say so). The aspects of religiosity that psychologists measure include factors like frequency of church attendance and the importance assigned to religious values. Their studies show that there are genetic influences at work on the intensity of religious behavior, but do not yet reach to the heart of the issue, that of probing the neural circuitry for learning and practicing the religion of one's community.

In the absence of direct evidence about the genes underlying religious behavior, its evolutionary basis can be assessed only indirectly. The effect of cultural learning in religion is clear enough, as shown by the rich variety of religions around the world. It's the strong commonalities beneath the variation that are the fingerprints of an innate learning mechanism. The common features seem very unlikely to have persisted in all societies for the 2,000 generations that have elapsed during the 50,000 years since the ancestral human population dispersed from its African homeland, unless they have a genetic basis. This is particularly true given the complexity of religious behavior, and its rootedness in the emotional levels of the brain.

To no less an observer than Darwin himself it seemed that religion was like an instinctive behavior, one that the mind is genetically primed to learn as indelibly as the fear of heights or the horror of incests. His two great books on evolution, Origin of Species and Descent of Man, have nothing directly to say about religion but in his autobiography, written in his old age, he was more explicit about this controversial topic. He wrote, "Nor must we overlook the probability of the constant inculcation in a belief in God on the minds of children producing so strong and perhaps an inherited effect on their brains not yet fully developed, that it would be as difficult for them to throw off their belief in God, as for a monkey to throw off its instinctive fear and hatred of a snake.        

...

The neural circuitry that predisposed hunters and gatherers to learn the religion of their community remained the basis of religious behavior.

The Faith Instinct. Wade, p. 43-45, 133.




http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn7147-genes-contribute-to-religious-inclination.html#.VDwwJXbg5gU
In Other Words, We're Genetically Wired To Be Religious (To Learn And Practice The Religion Of Our Community) Just Like We're Genetically Wired To Learn And Speak The Language Of Our Culture (Whether That Culture's Korean Or Russian Or Portuguese Or What Have You).  
http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/out-the-darkness/201309/can-neuroscience-explain-human-experience


I'LL ADD A PASSAGE FROM THIS BOOK: 
WHY GOD WON'T GO AWAY